Showing posts with label Scottsboro Boys. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Scottsboro Boys. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 28, 2021

1931




____________________ 

“Carried to its logical extreme, all this shouldering of individual and community responsibility upon the Government can lead but to the superstate where every man becomes the servant of the State and real liberty is lost.” 


President Herbert Hoover

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January: Basketball is growing in popularity – especially in New York City – where Columbia wins the Ivy League championship for the second year in a row. The leading scorer for Columbia (and the Ivy League, itself) is a 6-foot-1 forward named Lou Bender. Clearly the game is different in that era. There’s no shot clock, for example, and certainly no three-point line. 

Bender’s scoring averages: 1930: 9.8 points per game; 1931: 9.6. In fact, he’s using the two-handed set shot, the jump shot still not having been invented. 

New York City Mayor Jimmy Walker comes up with the idea of holding a tripleheader at Madison Square Garden, to raise money for unemployment relief. In one game Manhattan defeats NYU, by a score of 16-14. In another St. Johns triumphs, 17-9, over City College. Finally, Columbia goes on a scoring spree, defeating Fordham 26-18. Bender leads all scorers with eight points, and 15,000 fans go home excited with what they have seen. 

“It was a turning point for the sport,” The New York Times explains in Bender’s obituary (He lives to age 99).

 


*

February 12: Herbert Hoover warns that the federal government alone cannot – and should not – try to pull the country out of the Depression:

 

The whole of our governmental machinery was devised for the purpose that through ordered liberty we give incentive and equality of opportunity to every individual to rise to that highest achievement of which he is capable. At once when government is centralized there arises a limitation upon the liberty of the individual and a restriction of individual opportunity. The true growth of the Nation is the growth of character in its citizens. The spread of government destroys initiative and thus destroys character. Character is made in the community as well as in the individual by assuming responsibilities, not by escape from them. Carried to its logical extreme, all this shouldering of individual and community responsibility upon the Government can lead but to the superstate where every man becomes the servant of the State and real liberty is lost. Such was not the government that Lincoln sought to build.

 

 

The ever-growing complexity of modern life, with its train of evermore perplexing and difficult problems, is a challenge to our individual characters and to our devotion to our ideals. The resourcefulness of America when challenged has never failed. Success is not gained by leaning upon government to solve all the problems before us. That way leads to enervation of will and destruction of character. Victory over this depression and over our other difficulties will be won by the resolution of our people to fight their own battles in their own communities, by stimulating their ingenuity to solve their own problems, by taking new courage to be masters of their own destiny in the struggle of life. This is not the easy way, but it is the American way. And it was Lincoln’s way.



People who lost their homes joked that they were living in Hooverville.

Seattle, Washington.



* 

Franklin P. Adams penned a poem about prohibition:

 

Prohibition is an awful flop.

   We like it.

It can’t stop what it’s meant to stop.

   We like it.

It’s left a trail of graft and slime,

It’s filled our land with vice and crime,

It don’t prohibit worth a dime,

   Nevertheless we’re for it. 




* 

March 1: William Least Heat Moon sets a scene. There are eight men aboard a thirty-six hour flight from New York to Los Angeles – which included an overnight stay in Kansas City. 

Now the plane is heading east again, with Knute Rockne aboard. At that point the legendary football coach of Norte Dame has a record 105-12-5. As for others aboard, “They had a single thing in common: their numbers were all soon to come up at the same moment three miles southwest of Bazaar, Kansas, a few hundred feet above route 13.” 

 

“The Rock,” the forty-three-year-old Norwegian immigrant, was not a tall man, about five-eight, and never an exceptional athlete, yet he played on the obscure Notre Dame team that beat Army, the national football power of 1913, 35 to 13. He caught a number of passes that season and predicted putting the ball in the air would change the game; he was right, and so successful with his teams at throwing that by 1931 some Notre Dame faculty and alumni were complaining about excessive emphasis on football and the deleterious effect they believed it was working on the real purpose of the university.

 In “breadline America,” one reporter noted, Rockne was making $40,000 a year through various means.

Least Heat Moon continues:

 

Two years before the beginning of commercial air transport in 1924 (the year the Four Horsemen rode over Army), Anthony Fokker moved to the United States and started building large commercial aircraft employing his favored design of single-high-wing planes made of composite materials.

Specifically: The aircraft had many wooden and canvas parts, including the wings and wing coverings. 

Least Heat Moon notes, “Government policy at the time was to keep information about airline crashes secret.” 

The pilot was Robert Fry, a member of the “Caterpillar Club,” related to the use of silk parachutes, having bailed out of a falling plane, three years earlier, in China. He was 32. His co-pilot was Jess Mathias, 30. They were carrying 63 pounds of mail, 200 pounds of baggage, including tennis rackets, golf clubs, and balls belonging to John Happer, a passenger. The combined weight of the six passengers came to 1,100 pounds. 

Two ranchers, Edward and Arthur Baker heard the plane sputtering overhead, and then a loud, thudding crash. Edward could see a “long silvery and red object” dropping “in the slow zigzag of a falling slip of paper, what turned out to be the broken half of a wing. They were first to ride to the scene – but clearly, no one had survived. Others arrived, including an ambulance. Large sums of cash, jewelry and five watches were gathered up, along with mail, and body parts. One partition, that had separated cabin from passenger area was lying on the ground but a sign with the pilot’s name still remained in place on a piece of frame above. One ghoulish fellow was seen walking around with a passenger’s ear, “and when a friend admired it, he pulled out a knife and sliced it in half to share.”  Happer’s rackets and golf balls were long gone, and another souvenir hunter had part of Rockne’s wallet. Another man rolled one of the flattened tires away, over a hill, in the direction of Matfield, a nearby town. Years later, a gold tooth also turned up at the site. 

“Harv Cox, who drove the speeding ambulance to the crash site and returned with Rockne’s body, said later, “I’ve never seen people go so crazy in my life.” When Cox died half a century later, he still had not returned to the site; he said, “I got my fill of it that day.” 

“Although 99E [as the plane was numbered] was hardly the first airliner to crash – the prior twelve months had seen six major accidents in the country, one taking sixteen lives and another thirteen – it was the first American disaster to kill someone as famous as Rockne.”

 

…confidence in the plane was gone: TWA even pulled the engines from some of its F-10s [the Fokker model number] and torched the bodies. Fokker aircraft was finished in America, and General Motors took over and changed the name to General Aviation before leaving the business altogether a few years later, as did Ford. The demand for all-metal aircraft was national and insistent: two years after the crash the first of the DC series of airliners, some of the most reliable big planes ever made, appeared.

 

“Peggy of the Flint Hills” wrote in a letter to the newspapers, after the crash: “If Knute Rockne’s pockets contained all the articles which local souvenir fans claim to have removed from them, it must have been that extra weight which brought down the plane.” 

A slower mail plane in the same area, around the same time, the day of the crash, reported icing of the wings, and the pilot began to fly low and look for clear weather in any direction. At 10:35 a.m., Mathias received a report of fair weather farther ahead. “Can you get through?” a radio operator in Wichita asked. 

“Don’t know yet, don’t know yet!” the pilot responded. 

Then: No answer. 


A federal inspector wrote a letter a week later:

 

he had definite confirmation from pilots (most of whom insisted on an anonymity) that the F-10 series planes, particularly the long-winged job, do set up a decided flutter in the wing when the normal cruising speed is slightly increased and bumpy air encountered. One pilot told the inspector the flutter was so rapid wing tips would move up and down as much as eight inches and keep increasing if not corrected by pulling the nose up and throttling back; he said all TWA pilots knew about the problem but never discussed it because they were afraid of being fired or blacklisted. … Several fliers said they didn’t know a Fokker pilot who wasn’t afraid of the ship.

 

Least Heat Moon described the end, as 99E tries to find a safer route, as problems mount:

 

Captain Fry heads northwest, ninety degrees off course, in search of a way out of the muck and light rain icing the wings and beginning to shut down his instruments and radio, everything happening rapidly; the trimotor catches the tailings of the cyclonic cloud, and the laden plywood wings begin to vibrate, the stress on the spars immense; the cabin fabric shudders terribly, and port-side passengers watch the wing tip flutter ever farther and faster until it appears to be flapping, and their terror – that fear of the novice air traveler of a wing falling off – is unspeakable: and then a loud, shattering report, and half the left wing is gone, severed as squarely as if this black mayhem of a cloud concealed massive shears: the plane turns over violently: cries of the helpless men, engines going silent, the hiss of wind, the ship turning over again: upside down, the five hundred-foot plunge begun, Niner-Niner-Easy falls into the prairie snow.

 

Even Least Heat Moon fails to list the other crash victim’s names: Waldo B. Miller, H.J. Christen, John Happer, Spencer Goldthwaite, C.A. Robrecht, the Fry, then Mathias, first name given as “Herman.” 100/387-399


*


The story of the Scottsboro Boys and their trial is told in a pamphlet issued by their defense committee. This blogger absolutely believes the nine African Americans charged with rape in the case were innocent. Still, the use of the English language, to paint pictures the “artist” likes can mean that even if no facts are twisted, a golden ray of sunshine may help one fact stand out, while others are in dark shadows or in the distant background, or just not in the picture at all. That is: the artist chooses what to show in the picture and what to leave out. 

Students might be asked to pick out what I called “loaded” words or phrases, that swing the narrative in favor of the nine defendants in the case. An example, I used, when talking about the Boston Massacre (“massacre” clearly being a loaded word), was the difference between what the colonists would call “a crowd,” and the British soldiers under attack would refer to as “a mob.” 

The same forces were at work in the murder trial of Kyle Rittenhouse in November 2021. In fact, both sides in a trial, or for that matter, in almost any argument involving angry humans, choose words and wordings to bolster their points. 

In any case, the defense paints the picture:

 

March 24, 1931: A misty drizzle falls over Huntsville, Alabama, in the early hours before dawn. Four shadowy figures drop to the ground from the yawning mouth of an empty box car. Two men and two girls. They stop a little further along the railroad embankment and the girls go off together.

 

A few hours later. The sun is shining and along the same embankment stand the two girls and one of the men. The girls wear overalls. The taller and prettier of the two looks a little frightened. The older one, her bold face rigidly molded into a harsh cynicism, looks annoyed. A freight train pulls out of the Huntsville yards, and our three adventurers swing aboard. The boy is tall, blond and strapping. All three sit in the open door of the box car, swinging their feet over the edge, singing songs. The boy, Lester, knows lots of songs and ballads and he can play them all on his mouth organ.

 

After dark they arrive in Chattanooga, Tennesee [sic]. They wander through the tangle of the railroad yards and meet up with a slim dark boy. He knows his way around. He’s been here before and he leads them to the jungle alongside the tracks. The jungle is a wide field bordered by scraggly shrubbery and at the far end a row of little rickety Negro homes.

 

Shortly after, the boys have been to town and returned with some food, and the girls have built a fire. The four young people, their faces outlined by the orange glow of the flames discuss their plight. The young girl, Ruby, agrees to everything the older woman, Victoria, says.

 

They decide to go back home to Huntsville the next morning – back to the 11 hour night shift in the textile mill at $2.75 a week, back to the unpainted company houses, the pellagra diet, the endless monotony of work and exhausted sleep. Victoria, who the night before had agreed to go off without her companion Jack Tiller, until he had found a more graceful way of leaving his wife and joining her, insists on going back. Ruby, to whom the adventure of a ride on a freight train, sleeping out under the stars, had seemed the night before a thrilling adventure and marvelous escape from the drudgery of toil – shivers and agrees. The ground is hard. The dark is frightening. And Lester doesn’t care much where he goes anyway just so long as he keeps on moving. Huntsville is not the most attractive place to him. He has just finished serving a chain-gang sentence for vagrancy there. That’s how he met Jack Tiller and Victoria Price the night they were brought into the city lock-up for “public lewdness” and Huntsville was the place where he had met Ruby. Gilley, their “jungle guide” is just as ready as not to go on to Huntsville with his newly-found friends.

 

March 25, 1931: A freight train lumbers out of the Chattanooga yards. It’s a long rattly train – mostly empty box cars, oil tanks and in the middle a string of chat-filled gondola cars. A varied company has scattered itself throughout the train.

 

One gondola car holds our four young white friends. In the one next to it a group of white boys. One empty oil tank has a single passenger – half blind Olen Montgomery finally started on his way to the hospital in Memphis. Further along hanging onto the straps of another tanker is a very sick boy. Too sick to get on the train without help. After he was sentenced to death, the world learned that his name was Willie Roberson.

 

A group in another car is more congenial. The three boys of the railroad ties, Roy and Andy Wright, their pal Haywood Patterson and little Eugene Williams – escaped from his home and its hunger, determined to make a fortune for his mother and the kids. Three more Negro boys, Clarence Norris, Charlie Weems and Ozie Powell, strangers to the four and to each other, joined up with this little group – all bent on the same mission, all in search of hope and plenty.

 

The white boys get bored as the train rattles along. They begin to throw some of the sharp pebbles at the Negro boys. They amble over and step on their fingers – and the fight starts. The Negro boys outnumber the whites. One runs to the edge and shouts over to the next gondola car for help. Lester Carter, who is also getting bored in the company of Gilley and the girls, hops over to join the fight. He doesn’t know and doesn’t care much what it’s about – except that some white boys are asking his aid in fighting a bunch of “niggers.”

 

But the Negro boys get the best of the fight and the white boys noticing that the train is slowing up as it mounts a slow but steady grade, jump over the side – land easily on the embankment along the tracks. Lester jumps with them. Gilley, apparently tired of his role as protector of the white womanhood of the south, abandons his fair ladies without any compunction and attempts to join up with the other white hoboes who, not too angrily, amble along the tracks back to the nearest town – Stevenson, Alabama. But Gilley is clumsy. He tries to jump from the corner of the car. He slips. He is about to fall under the whirring wheels when a strong arm pulls him back. It is Haywood Patterson’s arm.

 

Gilley goes back to the girls.

 

As the five white boys approach the station at Stevenson they begin to realize the seriousness of their plight. Five young boys walking along the tracks must beware. There’s always the “law” around waiting to clap charges of vagrancy on them and send them to the chain gang.

 

Sure enough, when they reach the station – there is the “law”. Six months of back-breaking toil on Alabama’s roads stare them in the face. And suddenly their way out becomes clear. From shiftless young vagrants with no place to go and no money in their pockets they can become the victims of a foul attack – the heroes of a narrow escape.

 

Their imaginations run riot. They tell a wild tale of knives and pistols brandished by ferocious blacks who hurled them from a swiftly moving train. The “law” jumps to the trigger. The wires start humming along the line – to the next station – Paint Rock – “Stop that train – stop that freight – round up the niggers –” 

  

By the time the train is flagged to a stop at the dusty metropolis of Paint Rock, Alabama – the total population of the town is at the station armed with broom-sticks, rusty rifles, ancient shot guns. Savage delight and grim determination – waiting for that train.

 

The round-up begins. The seven Negro boys who were in the same car – dazed -surprised – frightened –are shouted to the ground. “Here’s another one,” “Here’s another,” as zealous deputies find the two sick boys in the empty oil tanks.

 

Nine Negro children are huddled together in the middle of the station platform. Nine youngsters – the youngest thirteen the oldest scarcely twenty. Ragged, dusty, dazed. Armed men crowd around them shouting in their faces.

 

And suddenly a yell of glee from behind the train which is just making ready to pull out … “There’s two white girls out here – two of them!”

 

And as the train leaves Paint Rock, Alabama, Ruby Bates and Victoria Price – who has managed to fall into the most extraordinary faint – are led to a little store just by the station. “Did they hurt you? Did they touch you? The black. …” Without waiting for any answer from Ruby and with Victoria probably watching them from beneath lowered eye lids – the words begin to spread through the crowd – “Rape –lynch – rape – attack – white girls – niggers lynch them – lynch them.” 

 

Regardless of how accurate or inaccurate parts of this account might be, it is true that what follows is the equivalent of a lynching. Only in this case a judge, jury and witnesses are involved.

 

    As the crescendo mounts, the nine Negro boys are loaded into a car and rushed down to the county seat of Jackson County – Scottsboro, Alabama.

 

    A few moments later Ruby and Victoria and Gilley follow them. By the time they arrive their fellow passengers the five white boys, are already installed in the little brick jail house right behind the court. The Negro boys have been thrown into the jim crow cells. Victoria and Ruby are rushed in and out again, to the doctor – to Dr. Bridges.

 

March 30, 1931: Nine Negro boys are indicted for rape by an all-white grand jury of horse swappers and farmers in Scottsboro, Alabama. The Jackson County Sentinel – Scottsboro’s weekly pride – has long since announced to the world in blazing headlines that the nine Negro fiends are held in jail for raping two white girls. The news spread throughout Alabama. The roads and highways filled with old flivvers, and wobbly wagons carrying the citizens to the county seat – to watch the fun.

 

On April 6, 1931[,] the trial begins. The jury sits waving to friends and comrades from the jury box. The judge, E. A. Hawkins, raps impatiently for a little order and some speed. Singly or in groups the boys are herded into the court room to be bullied and shouted at. They discovered that a man named Milo Moody has been appointed by the court to defend them. They also see a drunken sot named Stephen Roddy who’s supposed to be defending them but doesn’t even seem to be following the trial very carefully.

 

They hear Victoria Price relate a marvelous tale. From the top of a boxcar right next to the gondola she and Ruby were in a horde of black fiends leaped down upon them brandishing weapons. In language too foul to be printed this flower of southern white womanhood graphically describes how she was ravished by six of the boys “That one – the black thing” she spits from the witness stand pointing, while a knife was held to her throat and while the other three attacked Ruby Bates. Just what Gilly was doing all this time is ignored.

 

Ruby is put on the stand. She tries to remember what Victoria said – she doesn’t get it quite straight – the prosecutor comes to her assistance with leading questions to which she nods her head or says yes.

 

Dr. Bridges is not called to testify. Not one of the men who worked on the train is called. None of the white boys who jumped off the train, nor Gilley – the alleged witness. They are kept safely locked in the jail house. The Negro boys are put on the stand. One after the other they swear they never touched the girls. Andy Wright, tall, slim, clear eyed, says, “I’ll stand on a whole stack of bibles and swear I never saw them girls till we was taken off the train. Olen Montgomery whispers, “Even if I had seen them I couldn’t tell whether they was men or girls. I can’t see.”

 

By late afternoon of April 6 – the jury has been charged, sent out and returns with a verdict of guilty. Applause fills the courthouse. Word is passed to the great crowds outside – held back by State troopers rushed from Gadsden by Gov. Miller when the paper started screaming and cry of “Rape”. In fact the boys had even been carried to Gadsden under armed escort until the opening of the trial for safekeeping from the lynch-mad mob that kept growing larger in the big square outside the Scottsboro courthouse.

 

But April 6 was horse swapping day in Scottsboro, Alabama and the crowds were thick and breathless. “Let the law take its course,” counseled the newspapers – “let the law take the lives of these black fiends – let’s show the world we’re willing to let the law lynch them – no matter how our own feelings are outraged.”

 

On the night of April 6 a parade is started through the streets of Scottsboro, a parade that circles the little jail house and makes itself heard right inside the cells with a brass band braying: “There’ll Be a Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight.”

 

April 7 – a repeat performance. Haywood Patterson sentence to death.

 

April 8 –Ozie Powell, Eugene Williams, Olen Montgomery, Andy Wright, Willie Robertson – found guilty. The crowd cheers. The mob applauds. Only one more to go.

 

Roy Wright, not yet fourteen years old. Small, thin, looking hardly a day over ten. The jury comes back. No verdict. One juror held out for mercy in his case – recommended “life imprisonment” – a mistrial is declared.

 

April 9 – Eight young Negro children stand before judge E. A. Hawkins in the courthouse of Scottsboro, Alabama, and hear themselves sentenced to die in the electric chair at Kilby prison. Troops herd them into waiting cars. They are whisked away and locked into the death house of the large, modern, sanitary, coldness of Kilby prison.

 

*

 

May 1: The Empire State Building is completed after thirteen months of construction. At 1,250 feet, it is the tallest in the world. Nineteen years later, an antenna spire was added, making the structure 1,472 feet tall. In 1955, it is ranked as one of the seven greatest engineering achievements in American history, along with the Hoover Dam and the Panama Canal. 

In 1978, a race to the top, up 1,500 steps, was organized, and is now an annual affair.



*

 

WORRIED men and women in New York City spend an estimated $25 million at fortune tellers’ studios, as grave concerns for the future grip the nation. (1127/145)

 

 

* 

Al Capone told reporters: “You can’t cure a thirst by a law…It’s bootleg when it’s on the trucks, but when your host hands it to you on a silver tray, it’s hospitality…They say I violate Prohibition. Who doesn’t?”

 

*

“A kiss meant that a proposal was expected.”

Looking back in 1931, F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote: “among other young people the old standard prevailed until after the War, and a kiss meant that a proposal was expected.” 

He traced the advance of “sex” in literature, “then we learn that there’s a lot of sex around if we only knew it” (Winesburg, Ohio; 1920), “that adolescents lead very amorous lives” (his own This Side of Paradise), “that girls are sometimes seduced without being ruined” (Flaming Youth, 1922) and that there was all kinds of promiscuity, described in numerous books, including Lady Chatterley’s Lover (1928). 

1933

  


June 5: The U.S. goes off the gold standard.


__________

 

“Stall for time. Trade dollars for time. Time. Time for the country to collect its wits. Time for the people to pull themselves together, shake their fears, recover their sense of humor, take heart. Time so that America would not default to madmen and lunatics and their wicked dreams.”

 

Wolfskill and Hudson on FDR’s battle to save the country

__________



February 16: An assassination attempt on President-elect Roosevelt fails, although the assailant wounds five, including Anton Cermak, mayor of Chicago, who dies later. After FDR finishes a speech in Miami, his attacker, Giuseppe Zangara, stands on a folding chair and fires several rounds, missing his main target. According to The New York Times, a clipping about the assassination of President McKinley was found in his pocket. Zangara said he “despised capitalism.” He was convicted of murder and executed five weeks later.



*

 

March 4: Franklin D. Roosevelt is inaugurated. George Wolfskill writes:

 

    It was bitter cold – the penetrating cold of despair. Cold for the throngs already beginning to gather; cold for the troops manning the machine guns strategically located – just in case. Everywhere there was a sense of foreboding, heavy and oppressive, as New York Times reporter Arthur Krock wrote later, “comparable to that which might be found in a beleaguered capital in wartime.” (1127-2)

 

 

    Writing in the New York Post later, Samuel Grafton explained FDR’s immediate impact: “He had no answers that were good for a hundred years. But in a six-month crisis he always had a six-month answer.”


    Wolfskill and John S. Hudson put it this way in All but the People, written in 1969. Roosevelt’s approach:

 

Stall for time. Trade dollars for time. Time. Time for the country to collect its wits. Time for the people to pull themselves together, shake their fears, recover their sense of humor, take heart. Time so that America would not default to madmen and lunatics and their wicked dreams. Time so that honest men could find solid answers to pressing problems that the country had been ignoring and fending off for years. Time to vindicate Roosevelt’s dream of the middle way. (1127-189)

 

    As Harry Hopkins once put it, “I am for experimenting… trying out schemes which are supported by reasonable people and see if they work. If they do not work, the world will not come to an end.” (1127-192)



*

 

March 15: Joan Ruth Bader is born in Brooklyn, the second of two daughters in her family. Her older sister, Marilyn will die the following year, at age 6, of meningitis. There is no penicillin to treat her.


*

 

When Black Lives Clearly Didn’t Matter.

 

April 10: In an article titled “Scottsboro Shadow,” in Christian Century magazine, Renwick C. Kennedy tells the story of Alexander Pruitt, 40, a World War I veteran who had seen combat and “thought it probable that he had killed a few Germans.” One October morning, as he took “his tenth drink from a jug of Pensacola Rye,” Kennedy says, Pruitt got to thinking about all the “niggers,” and it got him all riled up. At 2:00 p.m. he took his .38 revolver from a drawer.

 

Ten minutes later he was down in the cotton patch behind the house where Long Son Gilmore and Henry Jeter, two Negro men, were picking cotton. Both were Alexander’s tenants and his friends, and had made good crops for him that year. Ordinarily too kind to them. This afternoon his justice and kindness were paralyzed with the most potent whisky available in southern Alabama.

 

The Negroes continued to pick cotton as they watched him stumble and fall along the cotton row.

 

“Cap’n’s sho’ drunk,” said Long Son.

 

“He sho’-God is,” said Henry. “He’ll be cussin’ us, drunk as he is.”

 

“Niggers,” said Alec solemnly, “you ain’t done nothin’ since ten o’clock. Git to work. Git this dman cotton out.”

 

The men said little in return but continued to pick the cotton and stuff it in the large bags each carried from a shoulder.

 

    Alec stood behind them, cursing. He stepped closer to Long Son, pulled out the .38, and shot him in the back of his head. The bullet smashed Son’s brain and came out of his left eye. As Henry later said, Son never knew what hit him. Henry threw his bag down and ran. Alec fired the remaining five cartridges at him, but his drunken aim was no good, and Henry escaped to the village to tell the story.

 

    An hour later a deputy sheriff came from the county seat, and that night Alec slept off his drunk in the county jail. The next morning he said he did not remember anything that had happened since ten o’clock of the previous day, and that he was astonished to find himself in jail.

 


    Bond was set at $1,000, and Pruitt hired a lawyer. There was a time when Pruitt could have expected to walk out free; but times, in Kennedy’s telling, were changing. “You ain’t got no case,” Pruitt’s lawyer tells him, “except that it was a nigger.” He promises to pack the jury with other veterans. 

    He told the jury how Alec had defended his country in the world war, and had been wounded. His health was hopelessly broken and in recognition of this the government had given him a monthly pension. His nerves were shattered and he was often in pain. He drank whiskey, yes; but he had to drink to quiet his nerves and to still the pain. Tortured with pain one day, he drank too much, and in a state of total irresponsibility he, a white man, a white man let the jury member, went out and killed a nigger. Let the jury consider the circumstances and conditions and set free this poor broken wreck, this man who was rather to be pitied than censured for what had happened, this white man who had offered his life in defense of his country and who at best had but a few more years to live. 

    The solicitor stated the facts of the case, called it cold-blooded murder and asked for the death penalty. 

    The judge charged the jury as to its duty and its possible findings and those twelve worthy men filed into the jury room. 

    Thirty minutes later they reported. The foreman stood forward to read the verdict. 

    “We the jury find the defendant not guilty,” he read. 

    Alec rose up by the table in the bar where he sat. His face beamed with happiness. He had been vindicated. He spoke up in court and asked the judge for permission to shake hands with the members of the jury. The judge replied rather harshly that that was no concern of his, but to step outside if he wished to do it. 

    That night a member of the jury explained how it was. He believed that “by rights” Pruitt should have had ten years in jail. He said he tried to get the others to sentence the defendant to three years. “but when I seen they wouldn’t do it I said we ought to give him ten days and $50 just to be givin’ him somethin’.” Other members of the jury got to “talkin’ about the Scottsboro case. They said they couldn’t convict no white man for killin’ a nigger in Alabama after the Scottsboro case. I reckon’ they’re right, too White people have to stick together somehow, or we’ll have to git out and let the niggers have the state.”

     

 

*

 

“Is the Negro in a Trap?”

 

April 19: The fate of the Scottsboro boys hangs with the U.S. Supreme Court again. As Christian Century magazine reports, in an editorial, pp. 520-522, “Is the Negro in a Trap?”

 

    After twenty hours of deliberation the Alabama jury sitting on the first of the Scottsboro cases to be retried brought in a verdict of guilty. The verdict carried a jury vote in favor of death. It is expected that the state will now press for quick trials of the other six defendants. Since the cases are identical, it is impossible to hope for different verdicts. These Negro boys will again be sentenced to die for an alleged attack upon two white girls, one of whom now denies that any such attack a occurred. …

 

    The consequent retrial in the case of the first defendant hinged on the testimony of the girls. This was absolutely contradictory. Although both agreed that they were together during the period when the attack was alleged to have taken place, one denied and the other affirmed the actuality of the incident. If ever a condition of “reasonable doubt” can arise it would seem to be under such a confusion In vital testimony, yet the jury is reported to have reached its verdict immediately and to have been delayed only in fixing the punishment.

 

 

    It is good to feel that the final hope for these young Negroes is not lost with the verdict of this rural Alabama jury. But to those who study the Scottsboro cases as parts of the most baffling social problem in American life, a problem that is growing more dangerous every year, there is slight comfort in the possibility of another reversal by the supreme court. Undoubtedly The general feeling in Alabama __ and throughout the South –is that the Decatur trial is significant, not because of its outcome, but because of its demonstration of the lengths to which the state would go (under pressure) to grant a Negro the benefit of the forms of law. The tendency is now to turn to the rest of the nation – and to Negroes everywhere – and say, “What more could be done to insure due process of law?” Too few will be those who sense even faintly the despair in the Negro heart at the growing conviction that what this Decatur trial really signifies is, that whatever the forms observed, the fate of the Negro turns out to be unchanged.

 

…the Decatur verdict, and what has gone with it, has revealed once more a condition within the nation of terrible menace. … One-tenth of our American population lives constantly under a sense of jeopardy. It believes that it is trapped. It feels no more certain of justice, opportunity, fair dealing than an animal at the mercy of an irresponsible hunter. A life of rectitude may lead to a measure of community approbation; it may just as well lead to death at the hands of some irresponsible mob. Booker T. Washington was almost beaten to death for the crime of looking at the names on an apartment house mailbox. (That, be it noted, happened in New York City!) …

 

…But always the Negro has remained at the mercy of the mob – in Chicago as much as in the South. And that has meant not only jeopardy of life (that, thank God, is growing less as the years pass!) but jeopardy of occupation, jeopardy of residence, jeopardy of opportunity for children, jeopardy in court. (It would be revealing to discover over a ten-year period, how large a proportion of the persons actually executed in northern prisons are friendless Negroes.) No white man can fully enter into this black man’s world of jeopardy. But no white man with social imagination could fail to understand, at least dimly, how insecure it renders the future of American life. One American in every ten living under the tension produced by this ceaseless gnawing fear!

 


    In the years after Emancipation, the editorial notes, philanthropic whites tried to lead the Negro race. “Then came the leadership of the Booker T. Washington school,” which focused on economic gains.

 

    Latterly, however, there has emerged a more radical type of leadership, dating from the rise of Dr. DuBois, proclaiming itself disillusioned as to the readiness of the white man to do justice until the Negro organizes to demand and compel justice. It is this new leadership, intensely scornful of what it calls the “Uncle Tom” sort of Negro who is obsequient in the white’s presence, that has set rumbling deep undertones of anger and desperation in American Negro life since the war. Today, even Dr. DuBois is on the edge of being displaced by a still more radical leadership within his race.

 


    Christian Century refers to the defendants as “heedless, moronic young drifters,” “pawns” in the battle for justice, and notes that they have been caught up in questions of Marxist class struggle. “The prosecuting attorney even called upon the jury to hang the accused as a rebuke to the machinations of ‘Jew money.’”

 

    That latter note in the prosecutor’s speech is worth pondering in these days when so much indignation is being registered in the United States over the anti-Semitism of Adolf Hitler. We have no doubt but that Hitler and his nazis will do incalculable harm to Germany if they continue in their course. But it is by no means sure that the open and calculated brutality of their program will do more harm to Germany, in the long run, then will the hypocrisy and callousness of our Nordics to America. Hitler is blasted by our scorn for putting under jeopardy less than one per cent of the population of Germany; it is to forced back the advancing claims of a tenth of the people of the United States that the racial, sectional and social prejudices of the whites are mobilized in such eventualities as the Scottsboro affair.

 

    But to return to the main issue, the principal national significance of these Decatur trials is going to be the increase in the Negro’s sense of desperation. What the Negro will see is not the carefully observed forms of the law; what he will see is the (to him) foreordained verdict. His is becoming the psychology of the trapped. Most of the South – no, we believe that the truth compels it to be said that most of the whites of the nation – when confronted with the desperation of the trapped turn instinctively to the tightening of the trap.


 

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DOROTHEA LANGE was born in Hoboken in 1895. Her father abandoned the family when she was 12. A childhood bout of polio, according to The New Yorker, left her with a lifelong limp. Lange said it “formed me, guided me, instructed me, helped me, and humiliated me.” In 1918, she and a friend were planning a world tour; but those plans ended in San Francisco, when they were robbed. Lange found patrons, opened up a photography studio, married Maynard Dixon, and they had two children. 


White Angel of the Breadline.


Lange: Ex-Slave with Long Memory.


Lange. Gunlock, Utah, Mormon.


Lange. Hopi Indian.


    Her picture, “White Angel of the Bread Line, San Francisco,” in 1933 became a sensation. Three years later, she took her most famous photo, “Migrant Mother.” Her subject for that photo was Florence Owens, a Cherokee woman, although Owens was not identified until 47 years later. 

    She was not a “pea picker,” as Lange believed, but she and her family had stopped at a pea field in Nimpomo, California to await a car repair. That picture, one writer said, revealed the “rock-hard realities” the displaced faced. 

 

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December 25: Sears, Roebuck and Company’s catalogue has helped shoppers decide on gifts for friends and loved ones. Time (12/20/1982) gives some of the prices listed, with a dollar in 1933, worth in 1982, $7.58. Silk stockings: 78 cents; two-pound fruitcake, 49 cents; man’s cotton broadcloth shirt, $1.69. Black leather oxford shoes for women were $1.98. An 18-karat white gold ring could be purchased for $54.90. A Kenmore upright vacuum was $17.45, a Lionel electric train set was $12.79, a 15-in. Teddy bear cost $1.79. A Mickey Mouse watch was $2.29, and Mickey wore white gloves. 

In 1932, the average household income was $32 per week, compared to $497 in 1981, and (when I checked) $1,321 in 2019.



Babe Ruth's career is on the down slope.

For the first time in eight seasons, he fails to hit at least 40 homeruns.