American soldier maimed in the war. Author's collection. |
____________________
“If they see one American uniform that is supposed to make them believe others are coming.”
Ernest
Hemingway
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January 4: Like so many other leaders of the Western nations in this era, President Woodrow Wilson had a giant blind spot, where matters of race were involved. He explained his desire to keep the U.S. at peace in the following terms: “This country does not intend to become involved in this war. We are the only one of the great white nations that is free from war today, and it would be a crime against civilization for us to go in.” (10/77 II)
As Arthur Walworth writes:
… a debate
began that was to last for three years and to be recognized as one of the most portentous
in the history of the century. [Sen. William] Borah of Idaho argued that Wilson’s
proposal, committing American armed forces to protect the integrity of every
little country, would plunge the nation into the storm center of European
politics, and that the advice of the founding fathers would be renounced and
the Monroe Doctrine destroyed. …
Nevertheless,
the prophet was so confident of the receptiveness of the plain people of the
world that he resolved to speak to them over the heads of their rulers. …
This blogger, in reviewing old notes on
Wilson, would call him “messianic” in his thinking.
*
“A struggle for a just and secure peace?”
January 22: After an early round of golf in
Virginia, Woodrow Wilson goes before the Senate. Walworth sets the scene:
Believing that
he spoke for “liberals and friends of humanity in every nation,” he stood as
pastor to the whole human race, with compassion for all peoples and
condemnation for none. Reviewing the discouraging replies to his December
request for the peace terms of the belligerents, he asserted optimistically
that the world was “that much nearer a definitive discussion of the peace which
shall end the present war.” When the settlement did come, he said it must be
followed by “some definite concert of power which will make it virtually
impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again.” (10/78
II)
Wilson went on
to say:
The question
upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is this: Is
the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace, or only for a new
balance of power? … There must be, not a balance of power, but a community of
power: not organized rivalries, but an organized common peace.
There “must be a peace without victory,” he concluded.
Wilson later told the French ambassador that a better term would have been “a scientific peace.”
The president warned:
Victory would
mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor’s terms imposed upon the vanquished.
It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice,
and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms of
peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a peace
between equals can last. Only a peace the very principle of which is equality
and a common participation in a common benefit. …
The equality
of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an
equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor imply
difference between the big nations and small… Mankind is looking now for
freedom of life, not for equipoises of power… the nations should with one
accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world…
(10/78-79 II)
*
February 1: The German General Staff had promised the Kaiser that submarine fleets could “paralyze” Great Britain before U.S. aid would make a difference.
As Walworth explains, at a somber cabinet
meeting, as war clouds darken, members rise when the president enters the room.
In so solemn a
moment they hesitated to give advice, and the President drew it out with
questions. “Shall I break off diplomatic relations with Germany?” he asked,
repeating what he had said before about his willingness to bear imputations of
weakness, even of cowardice, in order to keep the white race strong. (10/83 II)
*
February 17: A German U-boat sinks the Cunard liner Laconia,
with the loss of two American passengers. Submarines were now sinking 600,000
tons of shipping per month.
*
“Unsettlement of the foundations of civilization.”
February 18: Three American vessels are torpedoed and sunk.
President Wilson refuses to be stampeded into war. “We are not governed by public opinion in our conclusion,” he tells his cabinet. “I want to do right whether it is popular or not.”
Walworth adds:
He did not
sleep well, however. In fact, he had been lying awake night after night,
agitated by the doubts that he kept submerged under a cool exterior. The vital
question, to him, was not the immediate cause of war, but rather the larger
problem that he had recognized as early as May, 1916, when he had said: “The
danger of our time is nothing less than the unsettlement of the foundations of
civilization.” And so he asked himself: What would be the probable consequences
to humanity if the United States entered the fight? (10/96 II)
Why should Americans support the Allies,
and ignore their insults? “Property can be paid for,” Wilson said. “The lives
of peaceful and innocent people cannot.” (10/98 II)
*
February 25: Wilson receives information showing
that Germany was offering Mexico an alliance. Foreign Minster Arthur Zimmerman dangles
the hope of regaining the “lost territory of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona,” should
Mexico join forces with the Germans. He also suggested that Mexico seek the cooperation
of Japan. (10/89 II)
*
“The world must be made safe for democracy.”
April 6: The United States declares war on Germany. The vote in favor in the Senate, two days earlier, was 82-6. The House of Representatives now votes in favor, 373 to 50.
President Wilson explains our goals to
the world:
The world must
be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested
foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire
no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material
compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the
champions of the rights of mankind. … it is a fearful thing to lead this great
peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars,
civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. … The day has come when
America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that
gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping
her, she can do no other
Walworth describes the reaction in Congress
to Mr. Wilson’s speech:
In thirty-two
minutes he had finished speaking. For a few seconds there was stillness…then a
deafening roar in which Republicans and Democrats – Americans alike – gave voice
to the feelings of a preponderance of the people. Henry Cabot Lodge, his face
slightly puffed as a result of fisticuffs with a pacifist, shook the hand of
the president warmly. At last the time had come for which Wilson had waited so
patiently, the time when, as he explained later, his people were willing not
merely to follow him, but to do so “with a whoop.” In no previous crisis in
American history had feeling been so unanimous.
War
resolutions were quickly passed, with few dissenting votes. At one-eighteen on
the afternoon of April 7 Wilson left his luncheon and with his wife stepped
into the head usher’s office. He was given the proclamation that formally
declared the state of war that had been
“thrust upon the United States.” He read it with rigid jaw and grim
countenance, then signed with a gold pen that he had given to Edith Wilson and
that she asked him to use. The occasion was too solemn, he thought, to be
witnessed by newsmen or photographed. .(10/99-100 II)
Walworth notes, that men rushed to volunteer for the fight, and Wilson was swamped with offers of help.
The most embarrassing plea came from Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, who had served on his own terms in the Spanish-American War and wanted to do so again. Already he had rounded up some of his comrades of the “Rough Riders”; and even before the declaration of war he had offered to assemble a division and to put it into the trenches in France after six weeks of training. (10/102 II)
House writes in his diary: “the fortunes of the Allies have never seemed so low as now.”
He predicted the U.S. would be judged for a century on how its army performed in France. (10/136 II)
On Russia, the president would insist,
“Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire
and hope that some way may be open whereby we may be privileged to assist the
people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty and ordered peace…”
(10/148 II)
April 6 (again): The U.S. having entered the war George F. Hale, of the National Academy of Scientists, sends a telegram to our allies: “The entrance of the United States into the war unites our men of science with yours.”
That means, our scientists go to work, perfecting new kinds of poisonous gasses, gas masks to protect against the same, and better kinds of bombs and explosives. In Washington D.C. a firing range was set up near the campus of American University, and live rounds were fired into a range near the Dalecarlia Resevoir, one of the main water sources for the nation’s capital.
Sometimes known as “the Chemists’ War,” World War I involved cutting edge work in science in many fields.
The New
York Times
explains,
World War I, which ended with
the armistice on Nov. 11, 1918, is infamous for its horrific battlefield
conditions, its grinding, bloody clashes — the Battles of the Somme, Verdun,
Passchendaele and others — and the resulting human slaughter. Some 8.5 million
soldiers were killed and 21 million more were wounded.
Less is remembered about the
role of science. The war hastened technological progress with optics,
radio and primitive sonar. The Germans’ largest siege cannon, the dreaded
“Paris Gun,” heaved gigantic shells into the stratosphere that returned to
earth to pummel the French capital, 75 miles away. Lithe German submarines
prowled under the waves. Aviation, in its infancy at the war’s start, roared
into maturity by the end. The inventor Thomas A. Edison lent his scientific
prowess to the United States Navy.
Many scientists answered the call and served as “dollar-a-year men,” paid a symbolic wage for their efforts.
By war’s end, more than 2,000 scientists and civilians worked at the American University Experiment Station, nicknamed “Mustard Hill,” for work done on the “blister agent sulfur mustard.” There was farmland nearby, in those days, and the Army leased land for a firing range, also aptly nicknamed, “Death Valley.”
In
1993, developers near the old range discovered 141 munitions buried in the
ground, which spurred a lengthy cleanup.
Several
years later, the Corps of Engineers reopened its examination of the area,
acknowledging that it had prematurely shut down the cleanup. The contamination
and debris proved more extensive than originally believed, sparking an uproar
from residents and a pledge from the Army for more transparency and community
participation.
The
corps has been a near-constant presence in Spring Valley since then. Hundreds
of munitions have been hauled away, most of them from a handful of burial pits.
Arsenic has been the most widespread chemical contaminant — the army has carted
off thousands of tons of tainted soil and replaced it with clean topsoil.
Sulfur mustard, lewisite and other chemical warfare compounds — as well as
traces of the constituent chemicals that remain after the warfare agents break
down over time — have also been detected and removed.
Concerns
about the health effects of chemical contamination among Spring Valley’s
roughly 25,000 residents have long lingered over the cleanup, especially after
a lengthy neighborhood newspaper investigation reported
unusual illnesses and health problems among residents.
A
hundred years after the war ended, chemical traces were still being uncovered,
with one homesite so polluted in 2012, that the home had to be razed. New
technology was being used to scan the ground for buried metal objects that fit
the profile of mortar shells and 75-millimeter artillery rounds.
Forearm of a U.S. volunteer with blistering agents applied. Soldiers called these “man tests.” |
*
An I.W.W. song of this era discourages young men from enlisting:
I love my flag, I do, I do,
Which floats upon the breeze,
I also love my arms
and legs,
And neck, and nose and knees.
One little shell might spoil them all
Or give them such a twist,
They would be of no use to me:
I guess I won’t
enlist.
I love my country, yes, I do
I hope her folks do well.
Without our arms, and legs and things,
I think we’d look like hell.
Young men with faces half shot off
Are unfit to be kissed,
I’ve read in books it spoils their looks,
I guess I won’t enlist.
President Wilson hesitates to take actions that might trample on civil liberties. When cabinet members share rumors of sabotage, by foreign agents, and mention their fears of a German who tended the White House furnace, the president replies, “I’d rather the blamed place should be blown up rather than persecute inoffensive people.” (10/97 II)
In many circles, however, hysteria rules.
*
In an essay called, “Star-Spangled Men,” H.L. Mencken would later mock the blinding patriotism of many Americans during this period, in particular the attacks on German immigrants, pacifists, and left-wing thinkers. At one point, he proposes “a variety of the Distinguished Service Medals for civilians.” These medals would come in different colors and with different decorative touches, “to mark off varying services to democracy.”
These might include:
The lowest
class for the patriot who sacrificed only time, money and a few nights’ sleep; the
highest for the great martyr who hung his country’s altar with his dignity, his
decency and his sacred honor. For Elmer and his nervous insomnia, a simple
rosette, with an iron badge bearing the national motto, “Safety First”; for the
university president who prohibited the teaching of the enemy language in his
learned grove, heaved the works of Goethe out of the university library,
cashiered every professor unwilling to support Woodrow for the first vacancy in
the Trinity, took to the stump for the National Security League, and made two
hundred speeches in moving picture theaters – for this giant of loyal endeavor
letting no 100 per cent. American speak of anything less than the grand cross
of the order, with a gold badge in stained glass, a baldrick of the national
colors, a violet plug hat with a sunburst on the side, the privilege of the
floor of Congress, and a pension of $10,000 a year. After all, the cost would
not be excessive; there are not many of them. Such prodigies of patriotism are
possible only to rare and gifted men. For the grand cordons of the order, e.g.,
college professors who spied upon and reported the seditions of their
associates, state presidents of the American Protective League, alien property
custodians, judges who sentences of conscientious objectors mounted to more
than 50,000 years, members of George Creel’s herd of 2000 American historians,
the authors of the Sisson documents, etc. – pensions of $10 a day would be
enough, with silver badges and no plug hats. For the lower ranks, bronze badges
and the legal right to the title of “The Hon,” already every true American’s by
courtesy.
Mencken adds that the National Security League was, “A band of patriots which made a deafening uproar in the 1914-1918 era. Its fronts were Elihu Root and Alton B. Parker.”
As for the American Protective League, he
labels it
an
organization of amateur detectives working under the aegis of the Department of
Justice. In 1917 its operatives reported that I was an intimate associate an
agent of “the German monster, Nietzsky,” and I was solemnly investigated. But I
was a cunning fellow in those days and full of malicious humor, So I not only
managed to throw off the charge but even to write the report upon myself. I
need not say that it gave me a clean bill of health – and I still have a carbon
to prove it. As a general rule the American Protective League confined itself
to easier victims. Its specially was harassing German waiters.
He also explains why medals, even nickel-plated
ones, could not be handed out to every American “patriot” who spied on his German
neighbors, or spread stories of enemy agents operating wireless equipment in
their attics. No,
to all who
served as jurors or perjurers in cases against members and ex-members of the I.W.W.,
and to the German American members of the League for German Democracy, and to
all the Irish who snitched upon the Irish – if decorations were thrown about
with any such lavishness, then there would be no nickel left for our bathrooms.
On the civilian side as on the military side the greatest rewards of war go,
not to mere dogged industry and fidelity, but to originality – to the
unprecedented, the arresting, the bizarre. The New York Tribune liar who
invented the story about the German plant for converting the corpses of the
slain into soap did more for democracy and the Wilsonian idealism, and hence
deserves a more brilliant recognition, than a thousand uninspired hawkers of
atrocity stories supplied by Viscount Bryce and his associates. For that great
servant of righteousness the grand cordon, with two silver badges and the chair
of history at Columbia, would be scarcely enough; for the ordinary hawkers any
precious metal would be too much.
Whether or not
the Y.M.C.A. has decorated its chocolate peddlers and soul-snatchers I do not
know; since the chief Y.M.C.A. lamasery in my town of Baltimore became the
scene of a homosexual scandal I have ceased to frequent evangelical society. (49/112-114)
*
Following are excerpts from “A Way You’ll Never Be,” (1933) by Ernest Hemingway. He draws from his own experiences during the war. Nick Adams, an America soldier, serving with the Italians, is pushing his bicycle along a broken highway. He comes across the scene of a recent attack. The dead litter the roadside.
They lay alone or in clumps in the high grass of
the field and along the road, their pockets out, and over them were flies and
around each body or group of bodies were the scattered papers.
In the grass and the grain, beside the road, and
in some places scattered over the road, there was much material: a field
kitchen, it must have come over when things were going well; many of the
calf-skin-covered haversacks, stick bombs, helmets, rifles, sometimes one
butt-up, the bayonet stuck in the dirt, they had dug quite a little at the
last; stick bombs, helmets, rifles, intrenching tools, ammunition boxes,
star-shell pistols, their shells scattered about, medical kits, gas masks, empty
gas-mask cans, a squat, tripodded machine gun in a nest of empty shells, full
belts protruding from the boxes, the water-cooling can empty and on its side,
the breech block gone, the crew in odd positions, and around them, in the
grass, more of the typical papers.
There were mass prayer books, group postcards
showing the machine-gun unit [in happier times, standing together, like
teammates posing for a football picture]; now they were humped and swollen in
the grass…[There were propaganda
postcards and smutty postcards lying all about and] the small photographs
of village girls by village photographers, the occasional pictures of children,
and the letters, letters, letters. There was always much paper about the dead…
These were new dead and no one had bothered with
anything but their pockets. Our own dead, or what he thought of, still, as our
own dead, were surprisingly few, Nick noticed. Their coats had been opened too
and their pockets were out, and they showed, by their positions, the manner and
the skill of the attack. The hot weather had swollen them all alike regardless
of nationality.
The town had evidently been defended, at the
last, from the line of the sunken road and there had been few or no Austrians
to fall back into it. There were only three bodies in the street and they
looked to have been killed running. The houses of the town were broken by the
shelling and the street had much rubble of plaster and mortar and there were
broken beams, broken tiles, and many holes, some of them yellow-edged from the
mustard gas. There were many pieces of shell, and shrapnel balls were scattered
in the rubble. There was no one in the town at all.
Nick is looking for an old friend, Captain Paravicini, in command
of Italian troops nearby. The captain is surprised to see Adams wearing the
uniform of an American soldier. Has he been assigned to some American unit,
Paravicini wonders?
“No. I am supposed to move around and let them
see the uniform.”
“How odd.”
“If they see one American uniform that is
supposed to make them believe others are coming.”
“But how will they know it is an American
uniform?”
“You will tell them.”
“Oh. Yes, I see. I will send a corporal with you
to show you about and you will make a tour of the lines.”
“Like a bloody politician,” Nick said.
[Nick
explains:] “I’m supposed to have my pockets full of cigarettes and postal
cards and such things…I should have a musette full of chocolate. These I should
distribute with a kind word and a pat on the back. But there weren’t any
cigarettes and postcards and no chocolate. So they said to circulate around
anyway.”
“I’m sure your appearance will be very
heartening to the troops.”
The two old comrades remember drinking together. Nick feels bad
because he couldn’t bring the captain a bottle of brandy. Then he admits he
used to get drunk every time his unit was supposed to attack.
“I was stinking in every attack,” Nick said.
“I can’t do it,” Para said. “I took it [meaning: he was wounded] in the first
show, the very first show, and it only made me very upset and then frightfully
thirsty.”
“You don’t need it.”
“You’re much braver in an attack than I am.”
“No,” Nick said. “I know how I am and I prefer
to get stinking. I’m not ashamed of it.”
Adams has suffered a serious head wound recently and he is
bothered by many strange dreams; his old friend asks him how he feels. Finally,
the captain suggests he get some rest. Nick finds a place in a dugout and lies
down on one bunk.
…He was very disappointed that he felt this way
and more disappointed, even, that it was so obvious to Captain Paravicini. This
was not as large a dugout as the one where that platoon of the class of 1899,
just out at the front, got hysterics during the bombardment before the attack,
and Para had had him walk them two at a time outside to show them nothing would
happen, he wearing his own chin strap tight across his mouth to keep his lips
quiet. Knowing they could not hold it when they took it. Knowing it was all a
bloody balls—if he can’t stop crying, break his nose to give him something else
to think about. I’d shoot one but it’s too late now. They’d all be worse. Break
his nose. They’ve put it back to five-twenty. We’ve only got four minutes more.
Break that other silly bugger’s nose and kick his silly ass out of here. Do you
think they’ll go over? If they don’t, shoot two and try to scoop the others out
some way. Keep behind them, sergeant. It’s no use to walk ahead and find
there’s nothing coming behind you. Bail them out as you go. What a bloody
balls. All right. That’s right. Then, looking at the watch, in that quiet tone,
that valuable quiet tone, “Savoia.” Making it cold, no time to get it, he
couldn’t find his own after the cave-in, one whole end had caved in; it was
that started them; making it cold up that slope the only time he hadn’t done it
stinking.
Nick sleeps for a time; and when he wakes he talks to several
Italian soldiers sharing the dugout with him. One asks:
“Do you think they will send Americans down
here?” asked the adjutant.
“Oh, absolutely. Americans twice as large as
myself, healthy, with clean hearts, sleep at night, never been wounded, never
been blown up, never had their heads caved in, never been scared, don’t drink,
faithful to the girls they left behind them, many of them never had crabs,
wonderful chaps. You’ll see.”
“Are you an Italian?” asked the adjutant.
“No, American. Look at the uniform. Spagnolini
made it but it’s not quite correct.”
“A North or South American?”
“North,” said Nick. He felt it coming on now. He
would quiet down.
“But you speak Italian.”
“Why not? Do you mind if I speak Italian?
Haven’t I a right to speak Italian?”
“You have Italian medals.”
“Just the ribbons and the papers. The medals
come later. Or you give them to people to keep and the people go away; or they
are lost with your baggage.
Nick and the Italian adjutant, an enlisted man, not an officer, as
an adjutant would be in an American unit, discuss war experiences. Adams
continues:
“I am demonstrating the American uniform,” Nick
said. “Don’t you think it is very significant? It is a little tight in the
collar but soon you will see untold millions wearing this uniform swarming like
locusts. The grasshopper, you know, what we call the grasshopper in America, is
really a locust. The true grasshopper is small and green and comparatively
feeble. You must not, however, make a confusion with the seven-year locust or
cicada which emits a peculiar sustained sound which at the moment I cannot
recall. I try to recall it but I cannot. I can almost hear it and then it is
quite gone. You will pardon me if I break off our conversation?”
“See if you can find the major,” the adjutant
said to one of the two runners. “I can see you have been wounded,” he said to
Nick.
“In various places,” Nick said. “If you are
interested in scars I can show you some very interesting ones but I would
rather talk about grasshoppers. What we call grasshoppers that is; and what
are, really, locusts. These insects at one time played a very important part in
my life. It might interest you and you can look at the uniform while I am
talking.”
The adjutant made a motion with his hand to the
second runner who went out.
“Fix your eyes on the uniform. Spagnolini made
it, you know. You might as well look, too,” Nick said to the signallers. “I
really have no rank. We’re under the American consul. It’s perfectly all right
for you to look. You can stare, if you like. I will tell you about the American
locust. We always preferred one that we called the medium-brown. They last the
best in the water and fish prefer them. The larger ones that fly making a noise
somewhat similar to that produced by a rattlesnake rattling his rattlers, a
very dry sound, have vivid colored wings, some are bright red, others yellow
barred with black, but their wings go to pieces in the water and they make a
very blowsy bait, while the medium-brown is a plump, compact, succulent hopper
that I can recommend as far as one may well recommend something you gentlemen
will probably never encounter.
Nick continues to ramble on about grasshoppers as fishing bait.
Finally, he breaks off the conversation. The adjutant sends two runners off to
find Captain Paravicini. Nick keeps right on talking:
I hope I have made myself clear, gentlemen. Are
there any questions? If there is anything in the course you do not understand
please ask questions. Speak up. None? Then I would like to close on this note.
In the words of that great soldier and gentleman, Sir Henry Wilson: Gentlemen,
either you must govern or you must be governed. Let me repeat it. Gentlemen,
there is one thing I would like to have you remember. One thing I would like
you to take with you as you leave this room. Gentlemen, either you must
govern—or you must be governed. That is all, gentlemen. Good-day.”
He removed his cloth-covered helmet, put it on
again and, stooping, went out the low entrance of the dugout. Para, accompanied
by the two runners, was coming down the line of the sunken road. It was very
hot in the sun and Nick removed the helmet.
“There ought to be a system for wetting these
things,” he said. “I shall wet this one in the river.” He started up the bank.
“Nicolo,” Paravicini called. “Nicolo. Where are
you going?”
“I don’t really have to go.” Nick came down the
slope, holding the helmet in his hands. “They’re a damned nuisance wet or dry.
Do you wear yours all the time?”
“All the time,” said Para. “It’s making me bald.
Come inside.” Inside Para told him to sit down.
“You know they’re absolutely no damned good,”
Nick said. “I remember when they were a comfort when we first had them, but
I’ve seen them full of brains too many times.”
“Nicolo,” Para said. “I think you should go
back. I think it would be better if you didn’t come up to the line until you
had those supplies. There’s nothing here for you to do. If you move around,
even with something worth giving away, the men will group and that invites
shelling. I won’t have it.”
“I know it’s silly,” Nick said. “It wasn’t my
idea. I heard the brigade was here so I thought I would see you or some one
else I knew. I could have gone to Zenzon or to San Dona. I’d like to go to San
Dona to see the bridge again.”
“I won’t have you circulating around to no
purpose,” Captain Paravicini said.
“All right,” said Nick. He felt it coming on again.
“You understand?”
“Of course,” said Nick. He was trying to hold it
in.
“Anything of that sort should be done at night.”
“Naturally,” said Nick. He knew he could not
stop it now.
“You see, I am commanding the battalion,” Para
said.
“And why shouldn’t you be?” Nick said. Here it
came. “You can read and write, can’t you?”
“Yes,” said Para gently.
“The trouble is you have a damned small
battalion to command. As soon as it gets to strength again they’ll give you
back your company. Why don’t they bury the dead? I’ve seen them now. I don’t
care about seeing them again. They can bury them any time as far as I’m
concerned and it would be much better for you. You’ll all get bloody sick.”
“Where did you leave your bicycle?”
“Inside the last house.”
“Do you think it will be all right?”
“Don’t worry,” Nick said. “I’ll go in a little
while.”
“Lie down a little while, Nicolo.”
“All right.”
He shut his eyes, and in place of the man with
the beard who looked at him over the sights of the rifle, quite calmly before
squeezing off, the white flash and clublike impact, on his knees, hot-sweet
choking, coughing it onto the rock while they went past him, he saw a long,
yellow house with a low stable and the river much wider than it was and
stiller. “Christ,” he said, “I might as well go.”
He stood up.
“I’m going. Para,” he said. “I’ll ride back now
in the afternoon. If any supplies have come I’ll bring them down tonight. If
not I’ll come at night when I have something to bring.”
“It is still hot to ride,” Captain Paravicini
said.
“You don’t need to worry,” Nick said. “I’m all
right now for quite a while. I had one then but it was easy. They’re getting
much better. I can tell when I’m going to have one because I talk so much.”
“I’ll send a runner with you.”
“I’d rather you didn’t. I know the way.”
“You’ll be back soon?”
“Absolutely.”
“Let me send—”
“No,” said Nick. “As a mark of confidence.”
“Well, ciao then.”
“Ciao,” said Nick. He started back along
the sunken road toward where he had left the bicycle. In the afternoon the road
would be shady once he had passed the canal. Beyond that there were trees on
both sides that had not been shelled at all. It was on that stretch that,
marching, they had once passed the Terza Savoia cavalry regiment riding in the
snow with their lances. The horses’ breath made plumes in the cold air. No,
that was somewhere else. Where was that?
“I’d better get to that damned bicycle,” Nick
said to himself. “I don’t want to lose the way to Fornaci.”
*
Babe Ruth: “I was a bad
kid,” he once told reporters. He began play as a catcher, using a right-handed
mitt. At 19 the Baltimore Orioles signed him (then a minor league team). As a
pitcher with the Boston Red Sox, he was 18-8 as a rookie in 1915; the next two
seasons he won 23 and 24. He had a candy bar named after him.
The old way of playing,
typified by Wee Willie Keeler was “hit ’em where they ain’t.” Babe showed
others the glories of holding the bat at the end, not choking up.
The Baltimore chop was
no longer the style. The swing for the fences now had its heyday. (American Heritage 8-1965)
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